Civil War Prisoner Exchanges and the Dix-Hill Cartel

Civil War Prisoner Exchanges and the Dix-Hill Cartel During the U.S. Civil War, both sides participated in the exchange of prisoners of war who had been captured by the other side.  Although there was not a formal agreement in place, prisoner exchanges had taken place as a result of kindness between opposing leaders after a hard-fought battle.   Initial Agreement for Prisoner Exchanges Originally, the Union refused to formally enter into an official agreement that would establish guidelines pertaining to the structure of how these prisoner exchanges would occur. This was due to the fact that  the U.S. government had steadfastly refused to recognize the Confederate States of America as a valid governmental entity, and there was a fear that entering into any formal agreement could be viewed as legitimizing the Confederacy as a separate entity.   However, the capture of over a thousand Union soldiers at the First Battle of Bull Run in late July 1861 created the impetus for public push to conduct formal prisoner exchanges.   In December 1861, in a joint resolution the U.S. Congress called for President Lincoln to establish parameters for prisoner exchanges with the Confederacy.   Over the next several months, Generals from both forces made unsuccessful attempts to draft a unilateral prison exchange agreement. Creation of the Dix-Hill Cartel Then in July 1862, Union Major General John A. Dix and Confederate Major General D. H. Hill met in the James River in Virginia at Haxalls Landing and came to an agreement whereby all soldiers were assigned an exchange value based upon their military rank.  Under what would become known as the Dix-Hill Cartel, exchanges of Confederate and Union Army soldiers would be made as follows: Soldiers of equivalent ranks would be exchanged on a one to one value,Corporals and sergeants were worth two privates,Lieutenants were worth four privates,A captain was worth six privates,A major was worth eight privates,A lieutenant-colonel was worth ten privates,A colonel was worth fifteen privates,A brigadier general was worth twenty privates,A major general was worth forty privates, andA commanding general was worth sixty privates. The Dix-Hill Cartel also assigned similar exchange values of Union and Confederate naval officers and seamen based upon their equivalent rank to their respective armies. Prisoner Exchange and the Emancipation Proclamation These exchanges were made to alleviate the issues and costs associated with maintaining captured soldiers by both sides, as well as the logistics of moving the prisoners.  However, in September 1862, President Lincoln issued a Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation that provided in part that if the Confederates failed to end fighting and rejoin the U.S. prior to January 1, 1863  then all slaves held in the Confederate States would become free. In addition, it called for the enlistment of black soldier into service in the Union Army. This prompted Confederate States of America President Jefferson Davis to issue a proclamation on December 23, 1862 which provided that there would be no exchange of either captured black soldiers or their white officers. A mere nine days later – January 1, 1863 – President Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation which called for the eradication of slavery and for the enlistment of freed slaves into the Union Army. In what has historically been considered President Lincoln’s reaction to December 1862 Proclamation of Jefferson Davis, the Lieber Code was put into effect in April 1863 addressing humanity during wartime with the provision that all prisoners, regardless of color, would be treated alike. Then the Congress of the Confederate States passed a resolution in May 1863 that codified President Davis’ December 1862 proclamation that the Confederacy would not exchange captured black soldiers.   The results of this legislative action became evident in July 1863 when a number of captured U.S. black soldiers from a Massachusetts regiment were not exchanged along with their fellow white prisoners. The End of Prisoner Exchanges During the Civil War The U.S. suspended the Dix-Hill Cartel on July 30, 1863 when President Lincoln issued an order providing that until such time as the Confederates treated black soldiers the same as white soldiers there would no longer be any prisoner exchanges between the U.S. and the Confederacy. This  effectively ended prisoner exchanges and unfortunately resulted in captured soldiers from both sides being subjected to horrific and inhumane conditions in prisons such as Andersonville in the South and Rock Island in the North.

Working With Windows Registry From Delphi Applications

Working With Windows Registry From Delphi Applications The Registry is simply a database that an application can use to store and retrieve configuration information (last window size and position, user options and information or any other configuration data). Registry also contains information about Windows (95/98/NT) and about your Windows configuration. The Registry database is stored as a binary file. To find it, run regedit.exe (Windows registry editor utility) in your Windows directory. You will see that information in Registry is organized in a similar way to Windows Explorer. We can use regedit.exe to view registry information, change it or to add some information to it. It is obvious that modifications of the registry database could lead to a ​system crash (of course if you dont know what you are doing). INI vs. Registry It is probably very well known that in the days of Windows 3.xx INI files were a popular way of storing application information and other user-configurable settings. The most terrifying aspect of INI files is that they are just text files that the user can easily edit (change or even delete them). In 32-bit Windows Microsoft recommends using Registry to store the type of information that you would normally place in INI files (users are less likely to alter registry entries). Delphi  provides full support for changing entries in the Windows System Registry: via the TRegIniFile class (same basic interface as the TIniFile class for users of INI files with Delphi 1.0) and TRegistry class (low-level wrapper for the Windows registry and functions that operate on the registry). Simple Tip: Writing to the Registry As mentioned before in this article, basic registry operations (using code manipulation) are reading information from ​Registry and writing information to the database. Next piece of code will change the Windows wallpaper and disable the screen saver using TRegistry class. Before we can use TRegistry we have to add Registry unit to the uses clause at the top of source-code. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~uses registry;procedure TForm1.FormCreate(Sender: TObject) ;varreg:TRegistry;beginreg:TRegistry.Create;with reg do begintryif OpenKey(\Control Panel\desktop, False) then begin//change wallpaper and tile itreg.WriteString (Wallpaper,c:\windows\CIRCLES.bmp) ;reg.WriteString (TileWallpaper,1) ;//disable screen saver//(0disable, 1enable)reg.WriteString(ScreenSaveActive,0) ;//update changes immediatelySystemParametersInfo (SPI_SETDESKWALLPAPER,0, nil,SPIF_SENDWININICHANGE) ;SystemParametersInfo (SPI_SETSCREENSAVEACTIVE,0, nil,SPIF_SENDWININICHANGE) ;endfinallyreg.Free;end;end;end;~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Those two lines of code that start with SystemParametersInfo ... force Windows to update the wallpaper and screen saver information immediately. When you run your application, youll see the Windows wallpaper bitmap change to the Circles.bmp image that is, if you have circles.bmp image in your Windows directory. (Note: your screen saver is now disabled.)

Racism and Discrimination Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Racism and Discrimination - Research Paper Example Racial discrimination, on the other hand, refers to the illegal expression of racism towards a particular group, according to the Council of Europe (2009). It entails intentional malicious acts meant to demean another one based on his or her race. Racial harassment is one type of racial discrimination, according to Kassimeris (2009). This may be manifested through acts of name-calling, direct insults, bad comments that lower someone’s dignity. Racism and discrimination are particularly strong in countries that are diverse, such as the United States and Canada. Canada, for instance, is a multi-ethnic country and is among many countries that have witnessed some of the worst racial discriminations in the past. Canada reportedly has over 200 ethnic groups with the visible minority accounting for about 13% of Canada’s total population (Appadurai, 2012). Reports also show that approximately 18% of Canadians are foreign-born. Reports indicate that racial discrimination in Canada has mainly been directed towards non-native Canadians, particularly immigrants (Appadurai, 2012). In this regard, a report shows that many immigrants in Canada have faced all manners of racial discrimination in the past. Reports indicates that many Canadian immigrants and minority ethnic groups have faced a high degree of racial discrimination in the past, in which some have been tortured to death because of their racial backgrounds (Kassimeris, 2009). The discrimination mainly comes from the fact that the non-Canadian races are being perceived as primitive people who do not deserve to live together with the white Canadians. It is said that the violence of 1907 in Vancouver was mainly race based, according to Adams (2008). During this violence, it is reported that a mob of white Canadians violently attacked Japanese and Chinese ethnic communities in Canada. This racially motivated violence left several Chinese and Japanese ethnic communities dead with property worth millions of dollars destroyed (Appadurai, 2012). In another incident during World War II, several Japanese Canadians were incarcerated and their property seized by white Canadians that were fighting them out of the country based on their racial background. Reports also indicated that members of Asian community were beaten up and harassed by native Canadians in Toronto in the 1970s (Seltzer & Johnson, 2009). This incident shows how racial discrimination has been rife in Canada. When we talk of racial discrimination, what also comes into mind is the kind of racial discrimination that African Americans have had to face in the U.S. This is because African Americans are arguably the race that has faced one of the worst racial abuse occurrences in the world. In the U.S., apart from being subjected to hard labor on white settlers’ land, they were also being harassed and beaten to death, according to Zastrow and Kirst-Ashman (2010). They were also denied certain rights purely on their racial backgrounds. This was based on the fact that African Americans were being perceived by white Americans as primitive people that should be segregated from the rest of society. For example, it is reported that segregation laws were passed in the U.S. during the Jim Crow era, which resulted in segregation of public facilities in which African Americans were barred from attending public facilities meant for their white counterparts. In this regard, any black American found to disobey such a law was to be executed by white Americans. An example can be seen when at one time an African was forced to leave the front seat of a bus to a white American, which triggered riots and boycott of public transport by African

The trial of Angelique Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

The trial of Angelique - Essay Example When one considers the details that were revealed during the trial of this slave, one will come to the conclusion that the slaves of New France were provided with plenty of freedoms by their owners. This is mainly due to the fact, for example, that Angelique was allowed the freedom to move around the town of Montreal, without any restrictions by her owners. In addition, it was mentioned that she was a very firm woman who had her own opinions that at times went against those of her owner, to the extent that she was accused of talking back to her owner whenever she was addressed. It has been speculated that it was her well known independent streak that may have been the reason why she ended up setting fire to her owner’s house in protest towards her living conditions and her status in society.1 The fact remains that the fire which destroyed most of Montreal took place at a time when Madame de Francheville had the intention of selling Angelique against the latter’s wishes. ... It was mainly because of her attempted escape, as well as her lack of the required submissiveness towards her owner, which might have led to her being accused of setting the fire and as a result destroying most of the town. Her independent nature may have been a basis of her accusation by the French authorities in Montreal mainly because they were in need of a scapegoat to appease the angry residents of the town. This can be considered to be the most plausible explanation for Angelique’s trial based only on rumour and lacking in any evidence that she had indeed started the fire. Despite her having, throughout the trial denied that she was the culprit, because of her reputation, first as a runaway slave, as well as her rebelliousness towards her owner, she was considered to be guilty of the crime that she was rumoured to have committed.2 It can, therefore, be said that Angelique’s trial was an injustice to this slave woman, who was not only placed in bondage against her will, but because of her status in the society, she was presumed to be guilty without any real or tangible evidence being presented to prove the claims that were made against her. The law that was practiced in New France at the time dictated that a person could be presumed guilty through â€Å"public knowledge†, meaning that whether one were guilty or not, as long as the public believed that one was guilty, and then there was nothing that one could to prove his or her innocence. It is this injustice which happened to Angelique, who despite her not being guilty, and there being no eyewitnesses to her presumed crime, was not only tried, but also ended up losing her life. The strength of character displayed by Angelique can be seen throughout her trial where she insisted that she was

Ways of Reading Essay Example for Free

Ways of Reading Essay The Dark Night of the Soul The Dark Night of the Soul by Richard E Miller has been written with a main point always in mind, that reading and writing has very powerful influences people and their imagination but, the act of reading and writing is not being utilized as much in the modern world. Richard has created an essay that proves his point by taking five very different short stories and giving each a twist that helps the reader see the power of reading. As the reader is chronologically going through the essay he or she is given many possible meanings of the essay. The meaning and the relationships that the stories share are not revealed until the last page of the essay. The essay begins with the story of two distraught high scholars named Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold.In this story Miller really shows us the power of imagination. The feeling of being lonely drove them to the point of becoming violent. The boys went on a rampage. Miller also uses the example of Chris McCandless to further prove his point. McCandless threw away his life and went out on a journey to live by himself in the wilderness because of the stories he read. Miller wants to transmit to us that reading and writing have very powerful influences in people and their imagination, but he believes the power of reading and writing is not being utilized as much in the modern world. Through the examples he presents in the Dark Night of the Soul he tries to show different perspectives of reading and writing so that the reader realizes that both are really powerful realities which can have a big influence in someone’s life.

Something Never Forgotten :: essays research papers

Something Never Forgotten The movie had just ended and the picture on the television set screamed black and white fuzz. My eyes shifted to the window and were greeted by the same picture as that on the television. It had begun sleeting earlier that day. Later it turned to snow, which was still pelting the white-blanketed earth. After reading the time from my watch, three-thirty a.m., I decided I should probably head for home. My mind was thinking of the basketball practice our coach had graciously scheduled for seven o’ clock a.m. on Thanksgiving Day, now less than three and a half-hours away. I recall saying something as I left to the effect of, â€Å"I’m probably going to wreck.† I did not mean the words that I had said, but somehow they seemed to slip out of my mouth. My girlfriend scolded me for thinking such a thought, then sent me on my way.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  There are some things in a person’s life he or she will never forget. For some it may be a first kiss. For others it is the delicious smell of their grandmother’s kitchen as she scurried this way and that, all the while baking and mixing and clanking and cooking. Personally, I will never forget how peaceful my surroundings seemed as I stepped into the driveway that wistful morning. The snowflakes fell in beautiful crystalline shapes none the same as another. It was perfectly silent and the moon shone over the trees that lined the road. It seemed like such a perfect moment of frozen bliss. This was the exact middle of nowhere, five miles down some terrible dirt road in rustic northwestern Pennsylvania, so what did I expect? The air bit at my face and hands, yet it seemed so still. A chill ran my spine and my thoughts were lost. I had no idea what perils lay waiting for me.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  My girlfriend watched from the door as her boyfriend’s tracks faded in the snow and the taillights of his parents’ Chevy Lumina mini-van faded into the darkened road. As I had expected, the road was in terrible condition, by far the worst I had ever seen it. Extra attention surely was needed during the trip down this trail, but I was so tired and groggy. The radio was loud, and my window was rolled down, in hopes that the combination of the two would keep me from slumber.

Adult/Youth Nonformal Vocational and Technical Education Essay

In 1974 the Ministry of Education developed nonformal vocational programs to serve out-of-school youths and adults. In respect of policy measures and institutional reforms, the purpose of adult/youth and nonformal education is to provide an opportunity to those who were unable to avail themselves of formal educational opportunities. The objective is to provide vocational training, along with basic literacy and numeracy skills, so that each individual can participate and contribute more effectively to his/her well-being, and to society. Such adult/youth and nonformal vocational technical education is conducted on a nonformal basis through programs offered by Rural Education Centers, School of Appropriate Farm Technology, Manzini Industrial Training Center, to name a few. The following comprise some of the major adult/youth nonformal vocational and technical education training centers. Manzini Industrial Training Center-Emakhonweni As a result of the pressing need for vocational and technical skills training as an alternative form of education, Manzini Industrial Training Center (MITC) was established with the aim of giving its trainees useful and practical skills in a trade or craft which may help them find a job upon completion. The MITC provides skills training for unemployed youth between the ages of 18 and 25 years. These are out-of-school youth who are at risk. Fundamental to the program is the acquisition of basic vocational skills which will enable a young person to earn his/her own living whether by self- or waged employment. In most of the courses offered at the Center, upon completion of the two year course in basic skills, the trainees take the relevant Swaziland Government Trade Test-Grade III with the intention of going on to Government Trade Test level-Grade II. This enables those who have not had the opportunity to complete high school (grade 12) to obtain a qualification which is recognized for pay purposes, in the wage employment sector. However, for those trainees whose desire is to become self-employed, they can apply for placement in the Business Management Extension Program (BMEP), a one year course which offers facilities and training, under the â€Å"sheltered workshop concept,† to prospective entrepreneurs. The MITC has an enrollment of over 200 trainees receiving skills training in 13 areas. Agriculture, Sewing, and Upholstery are one year courses in duration whereas Building, Carpentry, Electrical, Metal Work, Motor Mechanics, Plumbing, Printing, Panel Beating, Small Engine Repair, and Spray Painting are two years in duration. The approach employed in the training utilizes a combination of on the job training and theory lectures. Remaining as the principal training approach is â€Å"Training through production† (Manzini Industrial Training Center, Annual Report 1990/91). Business Management Extension Program In 1986 the management of Manzini Industrial Training Center (MITC) established the Business Management Extension Program (BMEP). BMEP is an indigenous small enterprise development project set up to combat the problem of unemployed youth who have already acquired vocational technical skills. With a grant from United States Agency for International Development (USAID), an administration building, warehouse, and eight workshops were built. BMEP is a unique institution in Swaziland that fills a specific niche: training and technical assistance for small and microbusinesses and the development of new enterprises (Gamedze, 1993, Personal interview). BMEP’s mission is to promote small enterprise development by providing trade and business skills training, individual business consultancy, and financial assistance to persons who are matured, have job experience and vocational skills, work for themselves full-time, and exhibit entrepreneurial traits. The mission statement contributes to the goal of increasing employment generated by Swazi-owned and/or managed section of the economy and expand the Swazi-owned or managed small business sector. (Gamedze, 1993, Personal interview). The primary goal of BMEP is to assist its clients in transforming income generating activities into small business enterprises which are operated as viable economic entities. In doing so, BMEP seeks to improve its clients’ ability to produce quality products/services and to effectively manage their business activities. BMEP is governed by a Board of Directors; however the day to day operations are the responsibility of the Director assisted by a program manager responsible for training and extension, and a finance manager who oversees the functions of the organization and administration of the loan scheme. BMEP extension officers are serving a total of 94 clients. They provide business assistance to 47 clients who also have received loans, 16 clients who are receiving business assistance only, and 31 clients who are in the assessment phase. BMEP is providing business assistance to 7 tenants in the BMEP â€Å"sheltered† workshops (Gamedze, 1993). BMEP has established relationships and linkages with other organizations that are involved in some kind of economic/business activities, and therefore identified areas of specific need for BMEP’s assistance. BMEP has formed strong linkages with other organizations involved in both urban and rural economic/business activities. These include among others: Women in Development (WID), Rural Education Centers (REC), Swaziland Farmers’ Development Foundation (SFDF). BMEP has established good relationships with financial institutions (e. g. , commercial banks) in which their representatives participate in BMEP training sessions and workshops as resource persons (Gamedze, 1993). Nhlangano Agricultural Skills Training Center The Nhlangano Agricultural Skills Training Center is an institution with an agricultural focus but supported by four other technical training programs, namely, Carpentry, Building and Construction, Motor Mechanics, and Metal Work. The Center had its first intake in 1992/93. When the Center is in full swing, a business management program to develop entrepreneurial skill will be put in place. Aimed at the youth usually referred to as â€Å"street kids† who are at risk, which includes the underprivileged, the unemployed, the educationally and socially disadvantaged, and school dropouts; the Nhlangano Agricultural Skills Training Center (NASTC) has given the youth of Swaziland another lease on life (Malan, 1992). This recently constructed skills training center offers training over a duration of two years. Modeled after the Manzini Industrial Training Center (MITC), the Nhlangano Agricultural Skills Training Center (NASTC) has the objective of training people toward self-employment or earning a wage in the agricultural sector of the economy. The establishment of such a center that provides â€Å"on-the-job training† in Swaziland is of significance in that it plays a major role in promoting self-sufficiency among young people. On the other hand, the underprivileged young persons, those with limited formal education, are catered for in so far as skill acquisition is concerned (The Swazi Observer, 1992). Table 7. Manazini Industrial Training Center Enrollment, 1990/91 | Trainee | Course | Male | Female | Agriculture | 9 | 7 | Building | 28 | 0 | Carpentry | 21 | 0 | Electrical Repairs | 10 | 0 | Metal Work | 20 | 0 | Motor Mechanics | 21 | 1 | Panel Beating/Spray Painting | 9 | 0 | Plumbing | 6 | 0 | Printing | 4 | 5 | Sewing | 0 | 28 | Upholstery | 5 | 3 | | 133 | 44 | Upgrading trainees to Trade Test | | | Grade II level | 14 | 0 | Total | 147 | 44 | School of Appropriate Farm Technology. The School of Appropriate Farm Technology (SAFT) is a nonformal and vocational agriculture school that targets secondary/high school leavers and drop-outs who cannot proceed to formal postsecondary education for one reason or another. The aim of SAFT is to provide high school leavers with relevant vocational agricultural skills and experiences to enable them to increase agricultural production at home in their local communities, and also earn an income from sales of produce (Sibisi, 1981). The school leavers catered to by this School are those with little or no prospect of getting a job in the formal labor sector. This is a rapidly growing segment of the population of unemployed youth who may soon dominate the total population in numerical terms (Cousins, 1983). Entrants to the School need a minimum of education in the sense that they are expected to have completed primary school (Grade VII), at least. However, those responsible for admissions have stressed motivation toward farming as one major requirement. The enrollment of the School averages 20-25 students, the majority of whom are boys. The age range of students is 18-25 years. The School has a capacity to enroll 40 students. Although the applications may range from 100 to 200 and admission may approximate the full capacity of 40 students, after the Preentry course of two weeks duration, students dropout as they experience difficulty coping with the practical demands of the course. Rural Education Centers. In pursuance of the policy on the improvement of the quality of life and the general standard of living of the rural people, the Government of Swaziland established eight Rural Education Centers in 1978. Aiming at improving the socio-economic status of the rural people in Swaziland, the Rural Education Centers were established with the following specific objectives in mind (Ministry of Education, n. d. ):  · To provide formal schooling to rural youth, and non-formal instruction to adults and unemployed school leavers.  · To instruct in vocational education through training in appropriate skills which may lead to self-employment and self-reliance.  · To assess needs and initiate projects; to coordinate services, resources, and activities of Government and Non-Governmental Organizations involved in rural development.  · To serve as a community resource center where educational, economic and social activities may be developed and focused providing facilities that may be used for non-formal education purposes. Seven of the Rural Education Centers (RECs) were built at secondary schools whereas the 81 was built at a primary (elementary) school. In practice, REC programs have primarily served rural women, especially in training of skills for income generation. The direct beneficiaries, in the main, have been rural women, and also some men, and school leavers, who enter vocational training courses and participate in community projects (Ministry of Education, 1988). Bosco Skils Center Bosco Skills Center is a Youth Enterprise Scheme for Self-Employment with the goal of (a) providing suitable workshop space for the development of small businesses, and (b) offering suitable training in trades and business skills primarily for those neglected and forgotten and at-risk young people who wish to be self-employed. The small business person (the experienced entrepreneur) joins the Skills Center to operate and improve his/her business, and for the use of the Skills Center’s facilities, he/she makes a contribution by training a maximum of three young persons (trainees) for self-employment over a two year period. In addition to the training provided by the experienced entrepreneur, the trainee business person attends afternoon classes in basic Mathematics, English and Business Management Skills. Mathematics and English are each taught two hours a week whereas, Business Management Skills is taught one hour a week by the Business Management Extension Program (BMEP) (McDonnell, Personal Interview). The Skills Center has 60 small business trainees for its first group of intake who undergo vocational skills training under 21 experienced entrepreneurs. The trainees, who must be 18 years upon admission, are given three months to decide whether this kind of vocational training is suitable for them, and during this period they also work in close cooperation with the Center’s Training Coordinator. The admission process entails interviews conducted by the experienced entrepreneurs who, select three young trainee businesspersons to train. Once admitted, the trainee receives E10. 00 (about US $3.30) a week to cover off-pocket expenses drawn from the trainees Fund to which the experienced entrepreneur, for operating his/her own business at the Center, has made a contribution as part of the agreement to use the Skills Center workshop and facilities. The fee for one year is E150. 00 (about US $50. 00) payable in three installments of E50. 00 ($16. 66) by the trainee business person (McDonnell, 1993). The Skills Center has eight workshops, and offers vocational skills training for self-employment in the following areas:  · Motor mechanics  · Auto electrical  · Panel beating and spray painting  Ã‚ · Upholstery  · Carpentry  · Welding/metal work  · Plumbing  · Dressmaking and tailoring  · Sewing  · Pottery  · Refrigeration repair  · Radio and T. V. repair  · Printing  · Hairdressing. Upon joining the Skills Center the experienced entrepreneur takes on the following financial commitments:  · Contribution to the cost of electricity  · Contribution to the cost of water  · Contribution to the salary of the show/display room manager  · Contribution to a trainee fund  · Payment for telephone use  · Payment for transport use Currently each experienced entrepreneur makes an agreed contribution of E165. 00 (about US $55. 00) a month to cover the above costs. The amount to be paid for the above costs is established by the Executive of the Skills Center Management Committee which reports to the Bosco Center Board, the top policy making body. Unlike the Manzini Training Center or the Nhlangano Agricultural Skills Training Center (NASTC) whose target population group are school leavers with a Junior Certificate (grade 10) or there about, Bosco Skills Center reaches out for the young people with much less formal education who have no hope of anything else. They constitute the very bottom population group of young people with very little schooling. They are educationally deprived, socioeconomically disadvantaged and â€Å"are at-risk of not achieving the goals of education, acquiring the knowledge, skills and dispositions to become productive members of society† (Natriello, McDill, & Pallas, 1990, p. 8). They comprise the majority of the young and unemployed whose hope for making living lies in self-employment since their formal schooling leaves them with little or no prospect of getting a job in the formal labor sector of the economy. Powered by greenstone3 Background Mercy Corps in Somaliland is implementing the Somali Youth Leaders Initiative (SYLI). Component Two of the SYLI focuses on workforce development and building the technical and managerial capabilities of Somaliland youth to engage technical and vocational training and related livelihood business. These activities complement SYLI’s other components by increasing the number of Somali youth with the right skills and training. Generally, the main challenge with Vocational Educational schools/centers in Somaliland is to make their teaching relevant to the current needs of the local job market. There are a lot of things that constrain their ability to do this – including poor education levels of Vocational Education students; outdated and overly theoretical curricula, lack of incentives to connect students to the job market; and lack of connections between the Vocational Educational staff and current industry needs. The Vocational Training and Non-Formal Education Specialist should assist in making curricula dynamic and practical to the current needs of the job market and design programs and incentives to link students and their teachers to growth areas of the Somaliland work force and the economy. Component Summary The Vocational Training and Non-Formal Education Specialist will provide expertise in a number of areas, including new approaches to training, including in-service courses, internships, work-study, apprenticeships, and use of ICT etc. Development of appropriate curriculum and innovative training methods to provide the skills for new entrants into commercial business will be a key outcome. It is important that all curricula developed by the project be gender sensitive and socially inclusive to appropriately transfer relevant knowledge to a variety of audiences. Furthermore, provide technical support to stakeholders and partners in the sub sectors. Key duties and Responsibilities. The Vocational Training and Non-Formal Education Specialist will undertake a number of innovative non-traditional approaches to gender sensitive and socially inclusive knowledge transfer and workforce development. The Specialist will ensure that interventions that are implemented to improve the performance of vocational educations schools are sustainable; by continually obtaining Somali stakeholders input from the various organizations engaged in training. The Specialist will work to sustainably build Somali capacity to provide the right kind of training, in the right place and time and tailored to Somaliland. SYLI’s interventions will enhance the capacity of the selected vocational colleges to become Centers of Excellence [COEs] in vocational education and outreach, using the COE as a model for other schools/centers to follow. The Specialist will be responsible for devising programs to attract more ladies/women into these institutions and will work with the Ministries of Youth and Sport, Labour and Education to build upon the accomplishments of the USAID’s other Education programs, EU’s vocational education program, etc to expand adult education opportunities particularly to women and to youth. http://reliefweb. int/node/489716.

The Da Vinci Code Chapter 1-3

CHAPTER 1 Robert Langdon awoke slowly. A telephone was ringing in the darkness – a tinny, unfamiliar ring. He fumbled for the bedside lamp and turned it on. Squinting at his surroundings he saw a plush Renaissance bedroom with Louis XVI furniture, hand-frescoed walls, and a colossal mahogany four-poster bed. Where the hell am I? The jacquard bathrobe hanging on his bedpost bore the monogram: HOTEL RITZ PARIS. Slowly, the fog began to lift. Langdon picked up the receiver. â€Å"Hello?† â€Å"Monsieur Langdon?† a man's voice said. â€Å"I hope I have not awoken you?† Dazed, Langdon looked at the bedside clock. It was 12:32 A. M. He had been asleep only an hour, but he felt like the dead. â€Å"This is the concierge, monsieur. I apologize for this intrusion, but you have a visitor. He insists it is urgent.† Langdon still felt fuzzy. A visitor? His eyes focused now on a crumpled flyer on his bedside table. THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY OF PARIS proudly presents AN EVENING WITH ROBERT LANGDON PROFESSOR OF RELIGIOUS SYMBOLOGY, HARVARD UNIVERSITY Langdon groaned. Tonight's lecture – a slide show about pagan symbolism hidden in the stones of Chartres Cathedral – had probably ruffled some conservative feathers in the audience. Most likely, some religious scholar had trailed him home to pick a fight. â€Å"I'm sorry,† Langdon said, â€Å"but I'm very tired and – † â€Å"Mais, monsieur,†the concierge pressed, lowering his voice to an urgent whisper. â€Å"Your guest is an important man.† Langdon had little doubt. His books on religious paintings and cult symbology had made him a reluctant celebrity in the art world, and last year Langdon's visibility had increased a hundred fold after his involvement in a widely publicized incident at the Vatican. Since then, the stream of self- important historians and art buffs arriving at his door had seemed never-ending. â€Å"If you would be so kind,† Langdon said, doing his best to remain polite,† could you take the man's name and number, and tell him I'll try to call him before I leave Paris on Tuesday? Thank you.† He hung up before the concierge could protest. Sitting up now, Langdon frowned at his bedside Guest Relations Handbook, whose cover boasted: SLEEP LIKE A BABY IN THE CITY OF LIGHTS. SLUMBER AT THE PARIS RITZ. He turned and gazed tiredly into the full-length mirror across the room. The man staring back at him was a stranger – tousled and weary. You need a vacation, Robert. The past year had taken a heavy toll on him, but he didn't appreciate seeing proof in the mirror. His usually sharp blue eyes looked hazy and drawn tonight. A dark stubble was shrouding his strong jaw and dimpled chin. Around his temples, the gray highlights were advancing, making their way deeper into his thicket of coarse black hair. Although his female colleagues insisted the gray only accentuated his bookish appeal, Langdon knew better. If Boston Magazine could see me now. Last month, much to Langdon's embarrassment, Boston Magazine had listed him as one of that city's top ten most intriguing people – a dubious honor that made him the brunt of endless ribbing by his Harvard colleagues. Tonight, three thousand miles from home, the accolade had resurfaced to haunt him at the lecture he had given. â€Å"Ladies and gentlemen†¦Ã¢â‚¬  the hostess had announced to a full house at the American University of Paris's Pavilion Dauphine,† Our guest tonight needs no introduction. He is the author of numerous books: The Symbology of Secret Sects, The An of the Illuminati, The Lost Language of Ideograms, and when I say he wrote the book on Religious Iconology, I mean that quite literally. Many of you use his textbooks in class.† The students in the crowd nodded enthusiastically. â€Å"I had planned to introduce him tonight by sharing his impressive curriculum vitae. However†¦Ã¢â‚¬  She glanced playfully at Langdon, who was seated onstage. â€Å"An audience member has just handed me a far more, shall we say†¦ intriguing introduction.† She held up a copy of Boston Magazine. Langdon cringed. Where the hell did she get that? The hostess began reading choice excerpts from the inane article, and Langdon felt himself sinking lower and lower in his chair. Thirty seconds later, the crowd was grinning, and the woman showed no signs of letting up. â€Å"And Mr. Langdon's refusal to speak publicly about his unusual role in last year's Vatican conclave certainly wins him points on our intrigue-o-meter.† The hostess goaded the crowd. â€Å"Would you like to hear more?† The crowd applauded. Somebody stop her, Langdon pleaded as she dove into the article again. â€Å"Although Professor Langdon might not be considered hunk-handsome like some of our younger awardees, this forty-something academic has more than his share of scholarly allure. His captivating presence is punctuated by an unusually low, baritone speaking voice, which his female students describe as ‘chocolate for the ears.' The hall erupted in laughter. Langdon forced an awkward smile. He knew what came next – some ridiculous line about† Harrison Ford in Harris tweed† – and because this evening he had figured it was finally safe again to wear his Harris tweed and Burberry turtleneck, he decided to take action. â€Å"Thank you, Monique,† Langdon said, standing prematurely and edging her away from the podium. â€Å"Boston Magazine clearly has a gift for fiction.† He turned to the audience with an embarrassed sigh. â€Å"And if I find which one of you provided that article, I'll have the consulate deport you.† The crowd laughed. â€Å"Well, folks, as you all know, I'm here tonight to talk about the power of symbols †¦Ã¢â‚¬  The ringing of Langdon's hotel phone once again broke the silence. Groaning in disbelief, he picked up. â€Å"Yes?† As expected, it was the concierge. â€Å"Mr. Langdon, again my apologies. I am calling to inform you that your guest is now en route to your room. I thought I should alert you.† Langdon was wide awake now. â€Å"You sent someone to my room?† â€Å"I apologize, monsieur, but a man like this†¦ I cannot presume the authority to stop him.† â€Å"Who exactly is he?† But the concierge was gone. Almost immediately, a heavy fist pounded on Langdon's door. Uncertain, Langdon slid off the bed, feeling his toes sink deep into the savonniere carpet. He donned the hotel bathrobe and moved toward the door. â€Å"Who is it?† â€Å"Mr. Langdon? I need to speak with you.† The man's English was accented – a sharp, authoritative bark. â€Å"My name is Lieutenant Jerome Collet. Direction Centrale Police Judiciaire.† Langdon paused. The Judicial Police? The DCPJ was the rough equivalent of the U. S. FBI. Leaving the security chain in place, Langdon opened the door a few inches. The face staring back at him was thin and washed out. The man was exceptionally lean, dressed in an official-looking blue uniform. â€Å"May I come in?† the agent asked. Langdon hesitated, feeling uncertain as the stranger's sallow eyes studied him. â€Å"What is this all about?† â€Å"My capitaine requires your expertise in a private matter.† â€Å"Now?† Langdon managed. â€Å"It's after midnight.† â€Å"Am I correct that you were scheduled to meet with the curator of the Louvre this evening?† Langdon felt a sudden surge of uneasiness. He and the revered curator Jacques Sauniere had been slated to meet for drinks after Langdon's lecture tonight, but Sauniere had never shown up. â€Å"Yes. How did you know that?† â€Å"We found your name in his daily planner.† â€Å"I trust nothing is wrong?† The agent gave a dire sigh and slid a Polaroid snapshot through the narrow opening in the door. When Langdon saw the photo, his entire body went rigid.† This photo was taken less than an hour ago. Inside the Louvre.† As Langdon stared at the bizarre image, his initial revulsion and shock gave way to a sudden upwelling of anger. â€Å"Who would do this!† â€Å"We had hoped that you might help us answer that very question, considering your knowledge in symbology and your plans to meet with him.† Langdon stared at the picture, his horror now laced with fear. The image was gruesome and profoundly strange, bringing with it an unsettling sense of deja vu. A little over a year ago, Langdon had received a photograph of a corpse and a similar request for help. Twenty-four hours later, he had almost lost his life inside Vatican City. This photo was entirely different, and yet something about the scenario felt disquietingly familiar. The agent checked his watch. â€Å"My capitaine is waiting, sir.† Langdon barely heard him. His eyes were still riveted on the picture. â€Å"This symbol here, and the way his body is so oddly†¦Ã¢â‚¬  â€Å"Positioned?† the agent offered. Langdon nodded, feeling a chill as he looked up. â€Å"I can't imagine who would do this to someone.† The agent looked grim. â€Å"You don't understand, Mr. Langdon. What you see in this photograph†¦Ã¢â‚¬  He paused. â€Å"Monsieur Sauniere did that to himself.† CHAPTER 2 One mile away, the hulking albino named Silas limped through the front gate of the luxurious brownstone residence on Rue La Bruyere. The spiked cilice belt that he wore around his thigh cut into his flesh, and yet his soul sang with satisfaction of service to the Lord. Pain is good. His red eyes scanned the lobby as he entered the residence. Empty. He climbed the stairs quietly, not wanting to awaken any of his fellow numeraries. His bedroom door was open; locks were forbidden here. He entered, closing the door behind him. The room was spartan – hardwood floors, a pine dresser, a canvas mat in the corner that served as his bed. He was a visitor here this week, and yet for many years he had been blessed with a similar sanctuary in New York City. The Lord has provided me shelter and purpose in my life. Tonight, at last, Silas felt he had begun to repay his debt. Hurrying to the dresser, he found the cell phone hidden in his bottom drawer and placed a call. â€Å"Yes?† a male voice answered. â€Å"Teacher, I have returned.† â€Å"Speak,† the voice commanded, sounding pleased to hear from him. â€Å"All four are gone. The three senechaux†¦and the Grand Master himself.† There was a momentary pause, as if for prayer. â€Å"Then I assume you have the information?† â€Å"All four concurred. Independently.† â€Å"And you believed them?† â€Å"Their agreement was too great for coincidence.† An excited breath. â€Å"Excellent. I had feared the brotherhood's reputation for secrecy might prevail.† â€Å"The prospect of death is strong motivation.† â€Å"So, my pupil, tell me what I must know.† Silas knew the information he had gleaned from his victims would come as a shock. â€Å"Teacher, all four confirmed the existence of the clef de voute†¦the legendary keystone.† He heard a quick intake of breath over the phone and could feel the Teacher's excitement. â€Å"The keystone.Exactly as we suspected.† According to lore, the brotherhood had created a map of stone – a clef de voute†¦or keystone – an engraved tablet that revealed the final resting place of the brotherhood's greatest secret†¦ information so powerful that its protection was the reason for the brotherhood's very existence. â€Å"When we possess the keystone,† the Teacher said,† we will be only one step away.† â€Å"We are closer than you think. The keystone is here in Paris.† â€Å"Paris? Incredible. It is almost too easy.† Silas relayed the earlier events of the evening†¦ how all four of his victims, moments before death, had desperately tried to buy back their godless lives by telling their secret. Each had told Silas the exact same thing – that the keystone was ingeniously hidden at a precise location inside one of Paris's ancient churches – the Eglise de Saint-Sulpice. â€Å"Inside a house of the Lord,† the Teacher exclaimed. â€Å"How they mock us!† â€Å"As they have for centuries.† The Teacher fell silent, as if letting the triumph of this moment settle over him. Finally, he spoke. â€Å"You have done a great service to God. We have waited centuries for this. You must retrieve the stone for me. Immediately. Tonight. You understand the stakes.† Silas knew the stakes were incalculable, and yet what the Teacher was now commanding seemed impossible. â€Å"But the church, it is a fortress. Especially at night. How will I enter?† With the confident tone of a man of enormous influence, the Teacher explained what was to be done. When Silas hung up the phone, his skin tingled with anticipation. One hour, he told himself, grateful that the Teacher had given him time to carry out the necessary penance before entering a house of God. I must purge my soul of today's sins.The sins committed today had been holy in purpose. Acts of war against the enemies of God had been committed for centuries. Forgiveness was assured. Even so, Silas knew, absolution required sacrifice. Pulling his shades, he stripped naked and knelt in the center of his room. Looking down, he examined the spiked cilice belt clamped around his thigh. All true followers of The Way wore this device – a leather strap, studded with sharp metal barbs that cut into the flesh as a perpetual reminder of Christ's suffering. The pain caused by the device also helped counteract the desires of the flesh. Although Silas already had worn his cilice today longer than the requisite two hours, he knew today was no ordinary day. Grasping the buckle, he cinched it one notch tighter, wincing as the barbs dug deeper into his flesh. Exhaling slowly, he savored the cleansing ritual of his pain. Pain is good, Silas whispered, repeating the sacred mantra of Father Josemaria Escriva – the Teacher of all Teachers. Although Escriva had died in 1975, his wisdom lived on, his words still whispered by thousands of faithful servants around the globe as they knelt on the floor and performed the sacred practice known as† corporal mortification.† Silas turned his attention now to a heavy knotted rope coiled neatly on the floor beside him. TheDiscipline. The knots were caked with dried blood. Eager for the purifying effects of his own agony, Silas said a quick prayer. Then, gripping one end of the rope, he closed his eyes and swung it hard over his shoulder, feeling the knots slap against his back. He whipped it over his shoulder again, slashing at his flesh. Again and again, he lashed. Castigo corpus meum. Finally, he felt the blood begin to flow. CHAPTER 3 The crisp April air whipped through the open window of the Citroen ZX as it skimmed south past the Opera House and crossed Place Vend;me. In the passenger seat, Robert Langdon felt the city tear past him as he tried to clear his thoughts. His quick shower and shave had left him looking reasonably presentable but had done little to ease his anxiety. The frightening image of the curator's body remained locked in his mind. Jacques Sauniere is dead. Langdon could not help but feel a deep sense of loss at the curator's death. Despite Sauniere's reputation for being reclusive, his recognition for dedication to the arts made him an easy man to revere. His books on the secret codes hidden in the paintings of Poussin and Teniers were some of Langdon's favorite classroom texts. Tonight's meeting had been one Langdon was very much looking forward to, and he was disappointed when the curator had not shown. Again the image of the curator's body flashed in his mind. Jacques Sauniere did that to himself?Langdon turned and looked out the window, forcing the picture from his mind. Outside, the city was just now winding down – street vendors wheeling carts of candied amandes, waiters carrying bags of garbage to the curb, a pair of late night lovers cuddling to stay warm in a breeze scented with jasmine blossom. The Citroen navigated the chaos with authority, its dissonant two-tone siren parting the traffic like a knife. â€Å"Le capitaine was pleased to discover you were still in Paris tonight,† the agent said, speaking for the first time since they'd left the hotel. â€Å"A fortunate coincidence.† Langdon was feeling anything but fortunate, and coincidence was a concept he did not entirely trust. As someone who had spent his life exploring the hidden interconnectivity of disparate emblems and ideologies, Langdon viewed the world as a web of profoundly intertwined histories and events. The connections may be invisible, he often preached to his symbology classes at Harvard, but they are always there, buried just beneath the surface. â€Å"I assume,† Langdon said,† that the American University of Paris told you where I was staying?† The driver shook his head. â€Å"Interpol.† Interpol, Langdon thought. Of course.He had forgotten that the seemingly innocuous request of all European hotels to see a passport at check-in was more than a quaint formality – it was the law. On any given night, all across Europe, Interpol officials could pinpoint exactly who was sleeping where. Finding Langdon at the Ritz had probably taken all of five seconds. As the Citroen accelerated southward across the city, the illuminated profile of the Eiffel Tower appeared, shooting skyward in the distance to the right. Seeing it, Langdon thought of Vittoria, recalling their playful promise a year ago that every six months they would meet again at a different romantic spot on the globe. The Eiffel Tower, Langdon suspected, would have made their list. Sadly, he last kissed Vittoria in a noisy airport in Rome more than a year ago. â€Å"Did you mount her?† the agent asked, looking over. Langdon glanced up, certain he had misunderstood. â€Å"I beg your pardon?† â€Å"She is lovely, no?† The agent motioned through the windshield toward the Eiffel Tower. â€Å"Have you mounted her?† Langdon rolled his eyes. â€Å"No, I haven't climbed the tower.† â€Å"She is the symbol of France. I think she is perfect.† Langdon nodded absently. Symbologists often remarked that France – a country renowned for machismo, womanizing, and diminutive insecure leaders like Napoleon and Pepin the Short – could not have chosen a more apt national emblem than a thousand-foot phallus. When they reached the intersection at Rue de Rivoli, the traffic light was red, but the Citroen didn't slow. The agent gunned the sedan across the junction and sped onto a wooded section of Rue Castiglione, which served as the northern entrance to the famed Tuileries Gardens – Paris's own version of Central Park. Most tourists mistranslated Jardins des Tuileries as relating to the thousands of tulips that bloomed here, but Tuileries was actually a literal reference to something far less romantic. This park had once been an enormous, polluted excavation pit from which Parisian contractors mined clay to manufacture the city's famous red roofing tiles – or tuiles. As they entered the deserted park, the agent reached under the dash and turned off the blaring siren. Langdon exhaled, savoring the sudden quiet. Outside the car, the pale wash of halogen headlights skimmed over the crushed gravel parkway, the rugged whir of the tires intoning a hypnotic rhythm. Langdon had always considered the Tuileries to be sacred ground. These were the gardens in which Claude Monet had experimented with form and color, and literally inspired the birth of the Impressionist movement. Tonight, however, this place held a strange aura of foreboding. The Citroen swerved left now, angling west down the park's central boulevard. Curling around a circular pond, the driver cut across a desolate avenue out into a wide quadrangle beyond. Langdon could now see the end of the Tuileries Gardens, marked by a giant stone archway. Arc du Carrousel. Despite the orgiastic rituals once held at the Arc du Carrousel, art aficionados revered this place for another reason entirely. From the esplanade at the end of the Tuileries, four of the finest art museums in the world could be seen†¦ one at each point of the compass. Out the right-hand window, south across the Seine and Quai Voltaire, Langdon could see the dramatically lit facade of the old train station – now the esteemed Musee d'Orsay. Glancing left, he could make out the top of the ultramodern Pompidou Center, which housed the Museum of Modern Art. Behind him to the west, Langdon knew the ancient obelisk of Ramses rose above the trees, marking the Musee du Jeu de Paume. But it was straight ahead, to the east, through the archway, that Langdon could now see the monolithic Renaissance palace that had become the most famous art museum in the world. Musee du Louvre. Langdon felt a familiar tinge of wonder as his eyes made a futile attempt to absorb the entire mass of the edifice. Across a staggeringly expansive plaza, the imposing facade of the Louvre rose like a citadel against the Paris sky. Shaped like an enormous horseshoe, the Louvre was the longest building in Europe, stretching farther than three Eiffel Towers laid end to end. Not even the million square feet of open plaza between the museum wings could challenge the majesty of the facade's breadth. Langdon had once walked the Louvre's entire perimeter, an astonishing three-mile journey. Despite the estimated five days it would take a visitor to properly appreciate the 65, 300 pieces of art in this building, most tourists chose an abbreviated experience Langdon referred to as â€Å"Louvre Lite† – a full sprint through the museum to see the three most famous objects: the Mona Lisa, Venus de Milo, and Winged Victory.Art Buchwald had once boasted he'd seen all three masterpieces in five minutes and fifty-six seconds. The driver pulled out a handheld walkie-talkie and spoke in rapid-fire French. â€Å"Monsieur Langdonest arrive.Deux minutes.† An indecipherable confirmation came crackling back. The agent stowed the device, turning now to Langdon. â€Å"You will meet the capitaine at the main entrance.† The driver ignored the signs prohibiting auto traffic on the plaza, revved the engine, and gunned the Citroen up over the curb. The Louvre's main entrance was visible now, rising boldly in the distance, encircled by seven triangular pools from which spouted illuminated fountains. La Pyramide. The new entrance to the Paris Louvre had become almost as famous as the museum itself. The controversial, neomodern glass pyramid designed by Chinese-born American architect I. M. Peistill evoked scorn from traditionalists who felt it destroyed the dignity of the Renaissance courtyard. Goethe had described architecture as frozen music, and Pei's critics described this pyramid as fingernails on a chalkboard. Progressive admirers, though, hailed Pei's seventy-one-foot-tall transparent pyramid as a dazzling synergy of ancient structure and modern method – a symbolic link between the old and new – helping usher the Louvre into the next millennium. â€Å"Do you like our pyramid?† the agent asked. Langdon frowned. The French, it seemed, loved to ask Americans this. It was a loaded question, of course. Admitting you liked the pyramid made you a tasteless American, and expressing dislike was an insult to the French. â€Å"Mitterrand was a bold man,† Langdon replied, splitting the difference. The late French president who had commissioned the pyramid was said to have suffered from a† Pharaoh complex.† Singlehandedly responsible for filling Paris with Egyptian obelisks, art, and artifacts. Franà §ois Mitterrand had an affinity for Egyptian culture that was so all-consuming that the French still referred to him as the Sphinx. â€Å"What is the captain's name?† Langdon asked, changing topics. â€Å"Bezu Fache,† the driver said, approaching the pyramid's main entrance. â€Å"We call him le Taureau.† Langdon glanced over at him, wondering if every Frenchman had a mysterious animal epithet. â€Å"You call your captain the Bull?† The man arched his eyebrows. â€Å"Your French is better than you admit, Monsieur Langdon.† My French stinks, Langdon thought, but my zodiac iconography is pretty good.Taurus was always the bull. Astrology was a symbolic constant all over the world. The agent pulled the car to a stop and pointed between two fountains to a large door in the side of the pyramid. â€Å"There is the entrance. Good luck, monsieur.† â€Å"You're not coming?† â€Å"My orders are to leave you here. I have other business to attend to.† Langdon heaved a sigh and climbed out. It's your circus. The agent revved his engine and sped off. As Langdon stood alone and watched the departing taillights, he realized he could easily reconsider, exit the courtyard, grab a taxi, and head home to bed. Something told him it was probably a lousy idea. As he moved toward the mist of the fountains, Langdon had the uneasy sense he was crossing an imaginary threshold into another world. The dreamlike quality of the evening was settling around him again. Twenty minutes ago he had been asleep in his hotel room. Now he was standing in front of a transparent pyramid built by the Sphinx, waiting for a policeman they called the Bull. I'm trapped in a Salvador Dali painting, he thought. Langdon strode to the main entrance – an enormous revolving door. The foyer beyond was dimly lit and deserted. Do I knock? Langdon wondered if any of Harvard's revered Egyptologists had ever knocked on the front door of a pyramid and expected an answer. He raised his hand to bang on the glass, but out of the darkness below, a figure appeared, striding up the curving staircase. The man was stocky and dark, almost Neanderthal, dressed in a dark double-breasted suit that strained to cover his wide shoulders. He advanced with unmistakable authority on squat, powerful legs. He was speaking on his cell phone but finished the call as he arrived. He motioned for Langdon to enter. â€Å"I am Bezu Fache,† he announced as Langdon pushed through the revolving door. â€Å"Captain of the Central Directorate Judicial Police.† His tone was fitting – a guttural rumble†¦ like a gathering storm. Langdon held out his hand to shake. â€Å"Robert Langdon.† Fache's enormous palm wrapped around Langdon's with crushing force. â€Å"I saw the photo,† Langdon said. â€Å"Your agent said Jacques Sauniere himself did – â€Å" â€Å"Mr. Langdon,† Fache's ebony eyes locked on. â€Å"What you see in the photo is only the beginning of what Sauniere did.†

Mangrove Forests

Mangrove Forests Free Online Research Papers If there are no Mangrove Forests, then the sea will have no meaning. It is like having a tree with no roots, for the mangroves are the roots of the sea.  ­Ã‚ ­Ã‚ ­Ã‚ ­Ã‚ ­Ã‚ ­Ã‚ ­Ã‚ ­Ã‚ ­Ã‚ ­- fisherman, Trang Province, southern Thiland Mangrove forests, together with their adjacent intertidal environments are among the most productive ecosystems on the earth. The great importance of these ecosystems to marine fauna was shown by Odum and Heald14 and has led to an interest in their conservation. Continuing loss of mangrove systems has, among other causes, been attributed to erosion of delicate coastal wetlands. In a broad floristic sense, mangroves include about 53 species in 23 genera and 16 families. However, Tomlinson15 recognises 34 species in nine genera and five families as exhibiting restriction to mangrove environments in which they play a major role and having specialised adaptations to this unique environment. Fig: 1.1: Mangrove distribution in India The name ‘mangrove’ is applied to other unrelated constituents of mangrove vegetation, such as Avicennia nitida, a bush of the vervain family, called black mangrove. True mangroves are classified in the division Magnoliophyta, class Magnoliopsida, order Rhizophorales, family Rhizophoraceae. Mangrove, a large tropical evergreen tree, grows on muddy tidal flats and along protected ocean shorelines. Mangrove ecosystems are found throughout the tropical regions of the world. They are most abundant in tropical Asia, Africa, and the islands of the SW Pacific. Several mangroves produce from their trunks aerial roots that become embedded in the mud and form a tangled network; this serves both as a prop for the tree and as a means of aerating the root system. Such roots also form a base for the deposit of silt and other material carried by the tides, and thus land is built up which is gradually invaded by other vegetation. Some mangrove species lack prop roots but have special pores on their branching root system for obtaining air. The mangrove fruit is a conical reddish-brown berry. Its single seed germinates inside the fruit while it is still on the tree, forming a large, pointed primary root that quickly anchors the seedling in the mud when the fruit is dropped. Mangroves have been harvested destructively on a large scale; the bark is a rich source of tannins, and the wood is used for wharf pilings and other purposes. Fig: 1.2: Aerial roots Fig: 1.3: Prop roots Mangroves provide a vide range of services and benefits to the mankind. Ecological and economical values of mangroves are recognized world over. They are instrumental in providing ecological and livelihood security to coastal regions and people. People are making use of mangroves by protecting them as a nursery ground for various fish and crab species, which form a part of their daily food. Good use of mangrove areas can be made for eco-tourism and tourists from India and abroad for a pleasant trip and crocodile watching. Mangroves have long functioned as a storehouse of materials providing food, medicines, shelter and tools. Fish, crabs, shellfish, prawns and edible snakes and worms are found there. The fruit of certain species including the nypa palm can be eaten after preparation along with the nectar of some of the flowers. The best honey is considered to be that produced from mangroves, particularly the river mangrove Aegiceras corniculatum. Numerous medicines are derived from mangroves. Ashes or bark infusions of certain species can be applied to skin disorders and sores including leprosy. Headaches, rheumatism, snakebites, boils, ulcers, diarrhoea, hemorrhages and many more conditions are traditionally treated with mangrove plants. The latex from the leaf of the blind-your-eye mangrove Excoecaria agallocha – claimed to cause blindness13 – but the powerful chemicals in it can be used on sores and to treat marine stings. The leaves are also used for fishing; when crushed and dropp ed in water, fish are stupefied and float to the surface. This sap is currently being tested for its medical properties and may play a part in western medicine. Certain tree species, notably the cedar mangrove, cannonball mangrove (relatives of the red cedar) and the grey mangrove, are prized for their hard wood and used for boat building and cabinet timber as well as for tools such as digging sticks, spears and boomerangs. The fronds of the nypa palm are used for thatching and basket weaving. Various barks are used for tanning, pneumatophores (peg roots) make good fishing floats while the wood from yellow mangroves (Ceriops species) has a reputation for burning even when wet. Fig: 1.4: Pneumatophores or peg roots of mangrove plants Ethnobotany and medicinal uses: Many of the substances in the wood and bark, the Diaspora and the leaves of different types of mangroves for instance the Indian Mangrove (Avicennia officinalis), the Black Mangrove (Avicennia germinans) are used in traditional medicine they are however also used as poisons. The Black Mangrove is used for diarrhoea and rheumatic aliments. The resin of black mangroves is among other things used as medicine against tumours, insect repellents can also be made out of its resin. In Uthoff (1996) one can find an outline of the manifold and long-range ethno-pharmaceutical usages. Up until today most of the substances have not been examined for their effectiveness. In the genetic pool of our mangrove ecosystem there is presumably a large potential for the discovery of powerful substances for modern medicine. The mangrove extracts were a source of mosquito larvicidal compounds, as well as of polyphenols highly active against viruses such as HIV and Hepatitis B virus16 . Ecology and Mangroves 1. Prevention from soil erosion and stabilization of coasts and beaches 2. Protection of land from tidal surges and cyclonic storms. 3. Provides an excellent home to different plant species, birds and animal 4.Useful as eco-tourism niche for educational and recreational purpose Local population put the mangroves to several uses including the following: 1.Provides fuel wood, green manure, charcoal, timber, etc 2.Used for boat / canoe making 3.Used for thatching material, cordage and rope material 4.Used for medicinal purposes. 5.Useful for to produce honey and bye products.. Threats to mangroves: The threats are as given below, Man and his greed being the greatest threat: (1) Conversion of mangrove areas : It has been observed that mangroves in private areas / khazan lands face threat due to conversion of these lands for human habitation, aquaculture, agriculture and other developmental activities. Reclamation of these areas results in damage to saplings and small mangrove plants in general. Sporadic incidents of felling of trees illegally for conversion of land have also been reported, though damage due to this is almost negligible, as per official records. (2) Unauthorized felling: Cutting of Trees and branches of mangroves for firewood purpose, house and fence construction, reclamation of land etc is common. (3) Pollution : Oil slicks, solid waste disposal, industrial effluents etc. pollute the mangrove habitat and thereby affect them adversely. (4) Fishing : Illegal fish / fishling culture / aquaculture is common in Mangrove forests. Fishing using dragnets is common. This results in damage to the young regeneration and plantations. Besides, fisherman find mangrove regeneration an obstacle in their fishing activity and they uproot / damage the young crop and this is one of the major threats to the mangroves. (5) Insect attack / diseases: There are some species of insects or borers, which cause considerable damage to the stems and therefore to the mangroves. Besides, insect attack on the leaves of Rhizophora mucronata has been observed to take place regularly, which some times results in total damage to young plants. Also, insect attack on Avicennia alba is observed at a regular interval of 5 years, where the larvae of the insect eat all the leaves of the plants and make them leafless and causes severe damage to young crop. Fungal attack on the leaves of plants has also been observed, mainly on the leaves of Sonneritia alba, and other species also found to have been attacked by fungus. (6) Barnacle infestation: Plantations and young plants are being damaged by the attachment of barnacles to their stem. The plant affected generally is Rhizophora mucronata, which probably is due to its rough bark, thereby providing a good substratum for their attachment Research Papers on Mangrove ForestsGenetic EngineeringMarketing of Lifeboy Soap A Unilever ProductIncorporating Risk and Uncertainty Factor in Capital19 Century Society: A Deeply Divided EraInfluences of Socio-Economic Status of Married MalesHip-Hop is ArtOpen Architechture a white paperMind TravelCanaanite Influence on the Early Israelite ReligionBook Review on The Autobiography of Malcolm X

The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism

The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism is a book written by sociologist and economist Max Weber in 1904-1905. The original version was in German and it was translated into English by Talcott Parsons in 1930. In the book, Weber argues that Western capitalism developed as a result of the Protestant work ethic. The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism has been highly influential, and it is often considered a founding text in economic sociology and sociology in general. Key Takeaways: The Protestant Ethic and The Spirit Of Capitalism Weber’s famous book set out to understand Western civilization and the development of capitalism.According to Weber, societies influenced by Protestant religions encouraged both accumulating material wealth and living a relatively frugal lifestyle.Because of this accumulation of wealth, individuals began to invest money- which paved the way for the development of capitalism.In this book, Weber also put forward the idea of the â€Å"iron cage,† a theory about why social and economic structures are often resistant to change. The Books Premise The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism is a discussion of Weber’s various religious ideas and economics. Weber argues that Puritan ethics and ideas influenced the development of capitalism. While Weber was influenced by Karl Marx, he was not a Marxist and even criticizes aspects of Marxist theory in this book. Weber begins The Protestant Ethic with a question: What about Western civilization has made it the only civilization to develop certain cultural phenomena to which we like to attribute universal value and significance? According to Weber, only in the West does valid science exist. Weber claims that empirical knowledge and observation that exists elsewhere lacks the rational, systematic, and specialized methodology that is present in the West. Weber argues that the same is true of capitalism- it exists in a sophisticated manner that has never before existed anywhere else in the world. When capitalism is defined as the pursuit of forever-renewable profit, capitalism can be said to be part of every civilization at any time in history. But it is in the West, Weber claims, that it has developed to an extraordinary degree. Weber sets out to understand what it is about the West that has made it so. Webers Conclusions Webers conclusion is a unique one. Weber found that under the influence of Protestant religions, especially Puritanism, individuals were religiously compelled to follow a secular vocation with as much enthusiasm as possible. In other words, hard work and finding success in one’s occupation were highly valued in societies influenced by Protestantism. A person living according to this worldview was therefore more likely to accumulate money. Further, the new religions, such as Calvinism, forbade wastefully using hard-earned money and labeled the purchase of luxuries as a sin. These religions also frowned upon donating money to the poor or to charity because it was seen as promoting beggary. Thus, a conservative, even stingy lifestyle, combined with a work ethic that encouraged people to earn money, resulted in large amounts of available money.   The way these issues were resolved, Weber argued, was to invest the money- a move that gave a large boost to capitalism. In other words, capitalism evolved when the Protestant ethic influenced large numbers of people to engage in work in the secular world, developing their own enterprises and engaging in trade and the accumulation of wealth for investment. In Webers view, the Protestant ethic was, therefore, the driving force behind the mass action that led to the development of capitalism. Importantly, even after religion became less important in society, these norms of hard work and frugality remained, and continued to encourage individuals to pursue material wealth. Weber’s Influence Weber’s theories have been controversial, and other writers have questioned his conclusions. Nevertheless, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism remains an incredibly influential book, and it has introduced ideas that influenced later scholars. One especially influential idea that Weber articulated in The Protestant Ethic was  the concept of the iron cage. This theory suggests that an economic system  can become a restrictive force that can prevent  change and perpetuate its own failings. Because people are socialized within a particular economic system, Weber claims, they may be unable to imagine a different system. Since Weber’s time, this theory has been quite influential, especially in the Frankfurt School of critical theory. Sources and Additional Reading: Kolbert, Elizabeth. â€Å"Why Work?† The New Yorker (2004, Nov. 21). https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2004/11/29/why-workâ€Å"Protestant Ethic.† Encyclopaedia Britannica.

Role of Central Banks Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2750 words

Role of Central Banks - Essay Example Low inflation is not an end in itself. It is however an important factor in helping to encourage long-term stability in the economy. Price stability is a precondition for achieving a wider economic goal of sustainable growth and employment. High inflation can be damaging to the functioning of the economy. Low inflation can help to foster sustainable long-term economic growth 2. The central bank ensures that the money supply in the economy is exogenous and determines the monetary base accordingly for the actual values of the currency and reserve ratios etc. using the appropriate money supply formula. 3. The money supply is endogenous to the economy but is determined by the central bank according to a money supply rule, and the monetary base is changed to achieve the money supply determined according to this rule. The last assumption given above is the most commonly used operational technique, even where the central bank's intention is to focus on the monetary base or the money supply as the main determinant of aggregate demand. Under this procedure, the central bank sets the discount rate to achieve a certain level of aggregate demand in the economy and lets the financial sector determine the monetary base through borrowing or discounting bonds with it. ... rational technique, even where the central bank's intention is to focus on the monetary base or the money supply as the main determinant of aggregate demand. Under this procedure, the central bank sets the discount rate to achieve a certain level of aggregate demand in the economy and lets the financial sector determine the monetary base through borrowing or discounting bonds with it. In any case, the central bank's behaviour is captured through the specification of the monetary base, no matter which of the above procedures is used. The measures that are taken by a central bank typically involve altering the interest rate in order to control the rate of growth of aggregate demand, the money supply and ultimately price inflation. It also involves changing the exchange rates as fluctuations in the value of currency also have an impact on macroeconomic activity. All in all, these measures come under the banner of monetary policy of a country. The key result is that monetary policy governed by society's preferences produces an inefficient outcome featuring an undesired, high level of price instability. Society can improve on this suboptimal outcome in a number of ways. One way to achieve price stability without distorting the stabilization of shocks is to set new incentives for the central bank by picking a progressive central bank which cares a lot about income, making it independent of the government, and adding an inflation target to its environment.1 Monetary Policy Many economists believe that monetary policy is a more powerful tool than fiscal policy in controlling inflation. The circular flow of income and spending is kept in motion through changes in short term interest rates that in turn affect the spending and savings patterns of households and businesses